For several years, the Riviera Maya has seen a steady rise in tourist complaints linked to taxi overcharging, disputes over digital ride platforms, and abrupt price hikes in restaurants and nightclubs. These issues emerged first in Cancún and Playa del Carmen, but became more pronounced in Tulum, especially after the launch of the Tulum section of the Tren Maya. In the middle of this turbulence, one actor has gradually redefined the region’s economic landscape: Grupo Mundo Maya. Its expanding influence could mark a turning point for tourism policy in Quintana Roo.
How a strategic project became a central force in regional tourism
The story begins on February 10, 2022, when then-president Andrés Manuel López Obrador announced the formation of a new state-owned company: the Grupo Aeroportuario, Ferroviario, de Servicios Auxiliares y Conexos Olmeca-Maya-Mexica. Known as GAFSACOMM, the initiative became official two months later through publication in the Diario Oficial de la Federación.
The company was granted administrative autonomy and its own assets, but remained tied directly to national interests under the management of the Secretariat of National Defense. It quickly took charge of major airports including Felipe Ángeles, Palenque, Campeche, Chetumal and Ixtepec. This shift raised questions about how far the military would extend its role in sectors once overseen by civilian agencies.
One transportation analyst summarized the sentiment shared by many residents: “Infrastructure went from being a public service to becoming an operational arm of the state.” That perception grew stronger as the company moved deeper into tourism hot spots such as Tulum and the broader Riviera Maya.
Tulum’s new airport and the expansion of military control
On November 1, 2023, the Secretariat of Infrastructure, Communications and Transport awarded the company indefinite control of the newly built Tulum International Airport Felipe Carrillo Puerto. The decision placed more than 1,500 hectares and one of the country’s most significant new tourism gateways under military administration.
The assignment will remain valid as long as the airport maintains public utility, according to the decree. Airlines such as Viva Aerobus, Spirit Airlines and Delta currently operate flights that connect Tulum to major cities in the United States and within Mexico.
Yet transparency issues also emerged. Infobae México reported that official links on the Grupo Mundo Maya website, including those related to environmental policy and emissions standards, responded with error codes or broken connections. For observers who already questioned the limited public oversight of military-operated infrastructure, these glitches added to a growing list of concerns.
A shift in branding to court the tourism industry
The next major transition came on May 30, 2025, when the Defense Secretariat announced that GAFSACOMM would be renamed Grupo Mundo Maya. According to director Adolfo Héctor Tonatiuh Velasco Bernal, the new name sought to highlight the cultural and natural heritage of the southeast while strengthening the institution’s presence in tourism.
The brand now encompasses airports, hotels, museums and theme parks. Among them are the Parque Nacional del Jaguar, the Quinametzin Museum and hotels in Nuevo Uxmal, Edzná, Calakmul and Chichén Itzá. The company even hired the consulting firm Delgado Cortés y Asociados for 9.1 million pesos to design a hospitality training program for its hotel network.
In June 2025, the group received the Hecho en México certification from the Ministry of Economy, recognizing its contribution to national identity and productivity. Soon after, it announced discounts of up to 25 percent for El Buen Fin in its hotels across archaeological zones. While these announcements painted a picture of dynamism, residents of Tulum described a contrasting reality.
The Jaguar Park and the decline in local tourism
In December 2024, the Defense Secretariat took control of the Parque Nacional del Jaguar, a project built with more than 2.7 billion pesos in federal investment. The site was declared a protected natural area and placed under the management of Grupo Mundo Maya. What followed reshaped the entire local economy.
Business owners reported a drop in tourism of up to 30 percent, levels not seen since the height of the pandemic. Visitors now face entrance fees ranging from 105 pesos for residents to 415 pesos for foreign tourists, plus an additional 100 pesos to access the archaeological zone. Reports from Proceso and Animal Político documented how these tariffs pushed travelers toward nearby destinations like Cancún and Playa del Carmen.
One Tulum restaurant owner said she served half the number of tables she used to on a Sunday, despite what should have been a busy weekend. Stories like hers repeated across the municipality. Although authorities eventually opened a free southern access point for local residents and waived fees for nationals on Sundays, the recovery remained slow. Hotel occupancy stayed below 50 percent through 2025, according to official figures.
Surveillance, pricing and friction with the local community
Beyond the entrance fees, business leaders raised concerns about the presence of military personnel and National Guard members performing security checks, price monitoring and other supervisory tasks within tourist establishments. These actions generated tension with civilians who felt the daily rhythm of Tulum had shifted toward tighter control.
Mayor Diego Castañón Trejo attempted to refute accusations of irregular beach access fees, stating on social media that no such charges existed and attributing complaints to smear campaigns. Residents, however, insisted that the expansion of military oversight reshaped employment opportunities and reduced the economic spillover that once sustained many families.
“Tulum does not feel like ours anymore,” a local resident said in one of the many testimonies circulating online. The sentiment gained traction as more people questioned the long-term effects of military involvement in tourism.
Legislative debate over access to beaches and protected areas
The controversy soon reached the national political arena. The Senate is currently discussing reforms to the General Law of National Assets and the Environmental Balance Act, led by Senator Ricardo Monreal. The proposals aim to guarantee at least one day of free access per week to beaches and protected natural areas.
These reforms were directly influenced by the fees applied at the Parque del Jaguar, now seen by critics as a representation of the broader expansion of military management in tourism. The debate touches on a long-standing concern in Mexico: who truly controls the coast and how the public can exercise its rights in spaces deemed national territory.
A new model of tourism and its unresolved questions
With 12 airports, hotels, museums and parks under its administration, Grupo Mundo Maya stands as the most extensive military-linked tourism enterprise in modern Mexican history. Its mission is to promote cultural and natural heritage, yet the social and economic consequences observed in Tulum suggest a more complicated outcome.
For some residents, the military’s presence creates a sense of order and control. For others, it limits local agency and introduces uncertainties about long-term economic stability. Reports documented by The Tulum Times show that the model continues to evolve, and the impacts are only beginning to surface.
In Quintana Roo, where tourism remains the backbone of the economy, decisions regarding the Parque del Jaguar, the Tulum airport and the operations of Grupo Mundo Maya will influence employment, investment and community life for years to come. Striking a balance between environmental protection and economic vitality appears to be the unresolved challenge.
Grupo Mundo Maya’s future role in Tulum might depend on how effectively the federal government addresses concerns about transparency, accessibility and economic impact. What is clear is that the story is far from over, and the region is navigating one of the most significant transformations in its recent history.
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